After weeks of impassioned national debate, the U.S. Congress passed in early March 1941 the Lend-Lease Act, which authorised the president to supply war materiel to nations whose defence was deemed vital to the United States, without immediate payment. Roosevelt now held a powerful instrument, but had to define its concrete scope.
Great Britain, out of foreign currency, was awaiting massive and rapid aid. But other candidates were emerging: China at war with Japan, invaded Greece, and soon perhaps others. Roosevelt also knew that every dollar and every ship sent abroad meant resources withdrawn from a still-fledgling American rearmament, and that the isolationists were watching for any misstep.
The president had to decide on the first major allocation of credits — 7 billion dollars — and on the scope of the scheme: concentrate the aid on Great Britain alone, the first bulwark; open it from the outset to all of the Axis's adversaries; or dose it prudently so as not to weaken America's own defence. The choice engaged the very nature of the American role in the war.
How should Roosevelt orient Lend-Lease aid?
Roosevelt signed the law on 11 March 1941 and in the immediate term favoured A — Great Britain was the great beneficiary — while laying the foundations of B: the scheme would be extended to China, then, after June 1941, to the USSR. Entrusted to 's administration but in reality steered by , Lend-Lease became the great material instrument of the Allied coalition: tens of billions of dollars of weapons, food and raw materials, with no immediate repayment requirement. It was the act that made the still-neutral United States the effective 'arsenal of democracy,' and that sealed their commitment to the war nearly 9 months before Pearl Harbor. Churchill would call it 'the most unsordid act in history.'
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